The written
world:
On the
theory and practice of computer conferencing*
A. Feenberg
tratto
da
R.D. Mason & A.R. Kaye
Mindweave: Communication,
Computers and Distance Education
Oxford, Pergamon Press.
Abstract
The author analyses the 'written world' of computer
mediated communication (CMC), and stresses the importance of the roles of the
social network designer and conference moderator in initiating and maintaining
group communication processes.
Writing and Personal Presence
In our culture the face-to-face encounter is the ideal
paradigm of the meeting of minds. Communication seems most complete and
successful where the person is physically present 'in' the message. This
physical presence is supposed to be the guarantor of authenticity: you can look
your interlocutor in the eye and search for tacit signs of truthfulness or
falsehood, where context and tone permit a subtler interpretation of the spoken
word.
Plato initiated our traditional negative view of the
written word. He argued that writing was no more than an imitation of speech,
while speech itself was an imitation of thought. Thus writing would be an
imitation of an imitation and low indeed in the Platonic hierarchy of being,
based on the superiority of the original over the copy. For Plato, writing
detaches the message from its author and transforms it into a dead thing, a
text. Such a text, however, can cross time (written records) and space (mail),
acquire objectivity and permanence, even while losing authenticity (Derrida,
l972a). That we still share Plato's thinking about writing can be shown in how
differently we respond to face-to-face, written, typed and printed forms of
communication. These form a continuum, ranging from the most personal to the
most public.
The new phenomenon of computer mediated communication
(CMC) appears to represent a dramatic step toward total impersonality. For
example, authorship seems drastically reduced when messages entered into the
computer's memory are accessed in accordance with the recipient's interest
rather than the writer's agenda.
But is it true that CMC is a sterile imitation of
thought, devoid of the personal touch? Computer bulletin boards, electronic
mail, computer conferencing, videotex and synchronous dialogue programs are now
employed by millions of people all over the world. Yet experienced users of the
new medium usually deny that it obstructs human contact. It turns out that many
ordinary individuals possess a compensatory 'literary' capability to project
their personality into writing destined for the computer screen.
The strangest thing about CMC is not its purported
inhumanity, but rather its lively, rapid iterations, almost rapid enough to
recall spoken conversation. The speed with which messages are exchanged makes
it possible to use computer communications to manage a project, say, or teach a
class, or meet new people. With practice, the computerised mediation of such
pursuits comes to seem a normal part of daily life.
Yet no matter how thoroughly we banalise the on-line
environment it remains unpredictable and surprising because it violates many
deeply ingrained cultural assumptions we make about communication. For example,
we may no longer assume that writing is more formal and less personal than
speech. This and other strange consequences must be taken into account in any
on-line setting.
The core of the new CMC medium is computer
conferencing, which makes it possible to create discussion groups with access
to a topic of mutual interest. Typed messages are transmitted over phone lines
to a central computer where they are classified and stored. Participants 'sign
on' at times of their own choosing, using the central computer as a 'meeting
place' for an 'asynchronous' conversation that may last weeks or months. Life
in such a 'written world' gives rise to many unfamiliar problems and
possibilities.
Communication Anxiety
Engaging in face-to-face conversation involves complex
forms of behaviour called 'phatic' functions by semiologists. When we say
"Hey, how's it going?" we signify our availability for communication.
We usually close the conversation with another set of rituals, such as,
"I've gotta go. See you later." Throughout our talk, we are
continually sending phatic signs back and forth to keep the line open and to
make sure messages are getting through. For example, we say such things as,
"How about that!" or reply, "Yes, go on." Looks and facial
expressions tacitly reassure interlocutors that they are still in touch, or on
the contrary carry a warning if the communication link is threatened by
technical difficulties or improprieties. All such phatic signs are bypassed in
computer conferencing. Even standard codes for opening and closing
conversations are discarded.
Communicating on-line involves a minor but real
personal risk, and a response - any response - is generally interpreted as a
success while silence means failure. Additionally, the sender of a message
needs to know not only that it was received, but how it was received. It is
disturbing to do without nods of the head, smiles, glances, tacit signs which
in everyday conversation often take the place of words. An on-line acquaintance
once wrote me that he found himself "almost begging this machine to
recognise me." The paucity of phatic expression in CMC amplifies certain
social insecurities that no doubt were always there, but which now come to the
fore.
The problem is aggravated by the asynchronous
character of the medium. Here, computer conferencing resembles letter writing,
another medium in which phatic functions are quite weak. It is less rude to
leave a letter unanswered than to refuse to reply to a direct question in
face-to-face conversation. Similarly, if we fail to answer an on-line message,
it is without the embarrassment we would certainly feel were we to ignore an
acquaintance on the street. But a poor correspondent may be excused because of
the delay and uncertainty of ordinary mail, while CMC messages are never 'lost
in the mail'. They are lodged instantly in the central computer. As a result
when we leave a message in computer memory we feel an intense need for
response.
This technical improvement, which makes rapid
exchanges possible, also makes unusual delay a sign of rejection or
indifference since there is no mechanical excuse for silence. Paradoxically,
then, speeding up and improving asynchronous exchanges causes unexpected
distress. This explains why on-line communities place such an emphasis on
active participation and are often critical of passive readers who are
pejoratively called 'lurkers'. This concern with participation may even become
obsessive, revealing the surprising depths of anxiety of unrequited authors.
The Management of Identity
Computer conferencing is one of several new
technologies which create novel forms of identity. Electronic bulletin boards,
dialogue systems and computer conferences present their users to each other
only through explicit written language. When writing, it is easier to choose a
tone and attitude than it is in speech, dress and gesture. The social subject
is profoundly modified by the generalisation of such highly controlled forms of
self-presentation. The written 'I' is not the same 'I' who appears in
face-to-face encounters. This new 'I' has increased its distance from the world
and itself.
An extreme form of self-definition occurs in
'chatting' systems, where people make dates through an exchange of pseudonymous
messages. These systems represent an interactive form of classified personal
advertisement. In France, where such systems have developed on a large scale,
this is a popular way to meet people (Marchand, 1987; Bruhat, 1984). [2]. As
with newspaper 'personals', lonely individuals have the impression they fully
command all the signals they emit, unlike risky face-to-face encounters where such
control is difficult and uncertain. Thus the use of writing makes possible
elaborate identity games. As Claude Baltz (1984, p 185) writes, 'instead of
identity having the status of an initial given (with which the communication
usually begins), it becomes a stake, a product of the communication.'
The experience of pseudonymous communication calls to
mind Erving Goffman's (1982, p 31) double definition of the self as an 'image'
or identity, and as a 'sacred object' to which consideration is due: 'the self
as an image pieced together from the expressive implications of the full flow
of events in an undertaking; and the self as a kind of player in a ritual game
who copes honorably or dishonorably, diplomatically or undiplomatically, with
the judgemental contingencies of the situation.' By increasing the individuals'
control of image, while diminishing the risk of embarrassment, computer talk
alters the sociological ratio of the two dimensions of selfhood and opens up a
new social space.
The relative desacralisation of the subject weakens
social control in computer-mediated communication. It is difficult to bring
group pressure to bear on someone who cannot see frowns of disapproval. Communication
by computer thus enhances the sense of personal freedom and individualism by
reducing the 'existential' engagement of the self in its communications. 'Flaming'
(the expression of uncensored emotions on-line) is viewed as a negative
consequence of this feeling of liberation. And so is the diminished sense of
the reality of other people.
Chatting systems, like 'hacking', (Turkle, 1984) are
bizarre social innovations that accompany and subvert the mainstream of
technological innovation on which they depend. Marc Guillaume (1982, p 23) has
introduced the concept of 'spectrality' to describe these new forms of
interaction between individuals who are reduced to anonymity in modern social
life, and yet succeed in using that anonymity to shelter and assert their
identities.
The Relationship to Discourse
These changes in the management of identity take on
their full significance against the background of changes in the role of
language in CMC. A group which exists through an exchange of written texts has
the peculiar ability to recall and inspect its entire past. Nothing quite like
this is available to a community based on the spoken word. The modification of
language by CMC can best be understood as a new variety of 'social memory'
comparable to such other mediated memories as storytelling, books, and mass
communications. Each medium supports recall of the past through different types
of 'iteration', with different social implications (Derrida, 1972b; Goody and
Watt, 1968).[3]
We can distinguish generally between retrievable and
repeatable discourse. Retrieval involves access to a permanent text, such as a
book or diskette. In principal there is no reason why such access should not be
entirely under individual control since the technologies of retrieval do not
require the presence of other human beings. Texts 'stored' in human memory,
however, are 'accessed' through 'repetition' or performance. In cultures which
rely heavily on repetition of basic texts, the function of performance is
frequently assigned to special individuals, and access to the text is not under
individual control but regulated socially through participation in public
functions and audiences.
There is a long theoretical tradition of study of the
relation between 'oral' and 'literate' cultures in which retrieval is
identified with writing, and repetition with speech. But today the difference
between retrieval and repetition no longer correlates neatly with the
distinction between writing and speech: answering machines routinely present us
with speech as a retrievable text, computer dialogue systems allow synchronous
written conversation, and sophisticated phonemail systems and computerised
voice management technology, and will soon shift the balance toward
retrievability in all domains. This shift has remarkable social implications.
It has only been a short while since Marshall McLuhan
announced the end of literate culture and the rise of a new 'oral' culture
based on electronic broadcasting. Certainly McLuhan was right in identifying a steady
devaluation of the written word in modern societies. Recent years have seen the
proliferation of remedial writing courses in colleges and the gradual decline
of the childhood pastime of reading for pleasure. In this context,
computer-mediated communication seems to promise that writing will once again
become a universal form of expression.
One
powerful hypothesis about modern individualism holds that it grew with the
emergence of printing and literacy - what I have called retrievable forms of
discourse (McLuhan, 1964; Ong, 1977). The spread of written discourse fosters
the corresponding spread of a new subjectivity: the eye (I) of the reader is an
individual. The organic community of speech, based on repetition and performance,
gives way to the privacy of the modern individual, suddenly distanced from the
language of the community. In this new position the individual gains control of
a personal language, which is 'doubled' because the speaker/writer is no longer
identified with his own words but uses them for 'effect'. This distance is the
essence of modern individuality. According to this hypothesis, the loss of
distance in the pseudo-synchronous broadcasting of performance accounts for the
decline of individuality in mass society (Ong, 1971, pp 284-303; Katz, 1980, pp
84-89).
McLuhan
(1964, pp 50-51) was not afraid of the political consequence of this thesis,
essentially the demise of Western individualism. He predicted the rise of a new
form of collectivism based on the replacement of 'literate, fragmented Western
man' by 'a complex and depth-structured person emotionally aware of his total
interdependence with the rest of human society.' But what if the dominant
medium of the next century is not structured like broadcast television but like
CMC? Such an environment, based on generalised retrievability, suggests a
different future in which a new form of 'post-modern' individualism emerges,
not as a retrograde reminder of the dying past, but in response to the most advanced
methods of mediating experience (Lyotard, 1979, pp 103-104).
Absorption
Computer
conferencing is frequently said to build community, but the idea of community
implies bonds of sentiment that are not always necessary to effective on-line
communication. A group of interested individuals may produce a successful
conference whether they form a community or just a temporary gathering. Rather
than focusing on the concept of community, it would make sense to study the
dynamics of conferencing on its own terms. This may open a way to understanding
the sociology of the conference group, its specific 'sociability'.
Conferencing
dynamics involve the management of time, both the personal time of the
participants and the overall time of the conference. Sometimes these dynamics
are determined by extrinsic factors, such as job deadlines or the urgent need
to accomplish a mission. Conferences are surprisingly fragile, however, and no
amount of external time pressure saves hopelessly mismanaged on-line groups. To
a lesser extent, we see something similar in face-to-face meetings, which
require not only an extrinsic raison d'etre but also skillful leadership to
insure a hearing for all those with something to say.
The social
cohesion of conferences therefore depends not only upon the extrinsic motives
participants bring from their off-line lives, but also the intrinsic motives
that emerge in the course of the on-line interaction. To understand these
intrinsic motives, we must discover how the conference empowers its members to
speak up and provokes others to reply.
The
sociability of conferencing resembles that of sports or games where we are
drawn along by interest in the next step in the action. Every comment has a
double goal: to communicate something and to evoke the (passive or active)
participation of interlocutors. We can say that playing at computer
conferencing consists in making moves that keep others playing. The goal is to
prolong the game and to avoid making the last move. This is why computer
conferencing favours open-ended comments which invite a response, as opposed to
closed and complete pronouncements.
Erving
Goffman introduced the term 'absorption' or 'engrossment' to describe the force
that draws us into an encounter such as a game (Goffman, 1961). The concept of
absorption refers to the sharing of purpose among people who do not form a
community but have accepted a common work or play as the context for an
intense, temporary relationship. The term nicely describes participants'
feelings about an exciting conference. They are 'absorbed' in the activity as
one might be in a game of poker or bridge.
To the
extent that social organisation is increasingly projected onto the electronic
world of CMC, this peculiar agonistic structure of on-line human relations will
tend to be generalised as well. Those observers of contemporary society who see
movement away from institutional and sentimental stability toward more fluid,
temporary 'contracts' will find here a confirmation of their thesis. CMC is a
privileged technological scene where we may observe the 'atomisation of society
into flexible networks of language games' (Lyotard, 1979, p 34).
GROUPWARE
Social
Network Design
If computer
conferences resemble games, then how are they organised, by whom, and on what
sort of 'field' of play? These are practical questions, to be sure, but more is
needed than a simple list of 'do's and dont's'; a theory of mediation must
inform our approach.
It would be
a mistake to treat this as essentially a technical issue. Although technology
is important for any mediated activity, it cannot 'automate' what is in reality
a social encounter based on specific social practices. These social practices
are unusually complex because of the difficulty of mediating organised group
activity in a written environment. Failures and breakdowns occur at the social
level far more often than at the strictly technical level.
Until
recently, it was possible to ignore rejection of the on-line experience because
the disappointed users of CMC entered and left the system on a one-by-one basis
as subscribers to information utilities or synchronous dialogue programs.
Today, however, individuals often enter the CMC environment collectively, along
with co-workers or fellow students in highly structured groups. Dissatisfaction
in this context visibly affects group performance and must be addressed. A new
profession - the social network designer - has emerged to solve the problems of
organising and leading on-line groups. The success or failure of on-line groups
depends initially on decisions such as:
- the
selection of systems, training techniques and materials adjusted to the
proficiency of the group.
- the
selection of software and systems with the features best adapted to the needs
of the group.
- the
construction of conference architecture by breaking down the various concerns
of the group into separate discussion forums.
- the
provision of leadership, and development of moderating skills amongst members.
- the
starting of conferencing activities with all the members of the group clear on
the agenda and procedures.
Organising
groups in the 'written world' demands an unusual insight into group processes
as well as an awareness of the technical features of communications systems.
The social network designer needs both these skills in order to build specific
software structures out of available programs and features. Such structures are
called 'groupware' by Peter and Trudy Johnson-Lenz:
"Groupware
= intentional GROUP processes and procedures to achieve specific purposes +
softWARE tools designed to support and facilitate the group's work."
(Johnson-Lenz, 1982). The term 'groupware' refers to the combination of group
process and software that characterises a network as a communications system.
Understanding
Social Factors
Computer
conferences create electronic social environments every bit as complex as the
buildings serving the social activities that go on in face-to-face encounters.
There is no generic answer to the question of where to put the walls, doors and
corridors of a building. Architects and interior designers must devise
solutions corresponding to the anticipated needs of the users. So too,
designers of CMC systems must anticipate the requirements of the users of their
products. The software's social architecture determines the success of group
communication just as the location of chairs, tables, blackboards, podiums,
affects more traditional forms of human interaction.
'Human
factors' research tries to identify inherent constraints on product design with
regard to human nature. By analogy, research into 'social factors' seeks to
identify constraints on the design of products for this or that social group or
category. These social considerations are generally known to well-informed
product designers, marketing executives, and on-line group leaders but there is
no one field where social factors are studied systematically. As a result, they
are more likely to be misunderstood or overlooked than human factors.
This is a
matter of great consequence for computer-mediated communications. Despite their
complexity and variety, conferencing systems are not yet designed as social
environments. Designers and users still tend to view CMC as merely one more
communications technology, competing with the telephone and mail or available
as a convenient travel substitute. From this standpoint, the .social network
designer resembles the designer of a device such as a telephone, who must adapt
the equipment to human hearing, dexterity, etc. The search for generic
solutions to the problems of the typical 'human' user obscures the fact that
groups are realities in their own right, with socially specific needs that must
be served by CMC technology. Often rationalistic assumptions blind designers to
the specificity of group needs. They believe that they can understand and
organise communication 'logically', on a priori grounds, rather than
sociologically, in terms of the realities of actual social experience (Winograd
and Flores, 1986).
Typically,
products designed as generic solutions are offered to users in much the same
way a new phone system or FAX machine would be. System administrators try to
get people on-line with the hope that once they connect something will happen.
This approach to CMC leads to disappointing results. It ignores the most
profound potential of the medium, which is to provide electronically for groups
to achieve a common purpose.
Tailored
Conferencing Systems
The value
of software features is relative to group needs and so varies widely. For
certain groups, the addition of a specific feature may have little importance,
while for other groups that feature can turn out to be vital (Vallee, 1984).
Educational
conferencing systems, for example, are fairly limited in their ability to
handle mathematical symbols. Not surprisingly, then, educational conferences
are almost entirely to be found on the non-mathematical side of the campus. Here
one might conclude that conferencing is best suited to qualitative discussion,
but this conclusion would be premature if the systems simply cannot transmit
graphics and mathematical symbols (Hiltz, 1986).
Does this
mean that the best system is the one that offers the most features? The most
complex and powerful conferencing systems do in fact offer ways of meeting
multiple needs, but their sophisticated commands are too difficult for many
users. Powerful systems, frequently trade off ease of learning for additional
flexibility (Goodwin, 1987). Unfortunately there is no correlation between the
level of proficiency of on-line groups and the specificity of their on-line
needs. In fact, most users need both an extremely simple interface and one that
tackles specific tasks. For such users, the far-ranging power of an adaptable
system is likely to be experienced as a weakness, a fatal design defect.
To be
effective for many purposes, CMC products must employ simple, group-specific
interfaces for unskilled users. I believe that the best way of accomplishing
this would be the creation of tailored systems based on a powerful, mutable
program. This program must incorporate software tools that respond to both
standard and specialised needs. Each tailored version of the basic program must
share a common list of constant features and differ from others only in the
variables it offers.
For most
purposes a simple interface should be designed that will direct users toward
the features they are likely to need. These features are 'foregrounded' by
being placed in routinely visible menus while the others remain accessible in
the background. The size of the foreground in each case will be determined by
the competence and experience of the group.
The task of
creating these tailored interfaces appears daunting. The variety of groups and
tasks is so immense that it is difficult to imagine suiting them all. And yet
the fact is that in many design fields this vast diversity is simplified with
great success. For example, interior designers manage to accommodate all sorts
of groups with just a few arrangements of walls, windows, corridors and doors.
Something similar is possible in the field of CMC. The task is to map the
variety of social situations into a limited number of communication
environments. Many different groups and activities will turn out to require
identical designs. The difficulty, while real, is manageable.
The concept
of communication requirements stands as a link between the sociology of group
behaviour and the technical capability of CMC. Communication requirements are
group needs which can be addressed by the appropriate configuration of
communication systems. Thus an instant 'message waiting' signal might be needed
by certain groups, or secure communications, graphs and charts, or form filling
capabilities by other types of groups. Figure 2.1 sketches a preliminary
classification of such communication requirements.
_____________________________________________________________________
PRODUCTION
Access -
Private and group messages/private and public conferences/bulletin boards
Group
Process - Action support/contextualisations/moderating/interaction rate
(synchronous/asynchronous)
Relevance -
Conference architecture/overload protection/length of contributions
_____________________________________________________________________
RETRIEVAL
Time -
Alarms/reminders
Reference -
Indices/keywords/title displays/ conference architecture/search
programs/hypertext
Sharing -
Data/programs/lists/documents
_____________________________________________________________________
PRAGMATICS
Friendliness
- Syntax/learning/help/error control
Identity -
Public (real names)/private (anonymous, pen names)/subscriber information
(directories)
Safety -
Security/secrecy/reliability
Inputs -
Mathematics/texts/graphics
_____________________________________________________________________
MANAGEMENT
Accounts -
Opening/grouping/billing/enrolling in conferences/updating
Tailoring -
Help files/command prompts/opening screens/system architecture
_____________________________________________________________________
Figure 2.1
- Communication Requirements
Selecting
Conference Architectures
Ideally, conference architecture should be
constructed according to the social characteristics of different groups. Today
this is possible only to a limited extent. Each CMC program strives for an
unattainable social neutrality and, in falling short, favours one group more
than others. The network designer needs to be aware of these differences between
programs, and must be able to take advantage of their strengths.
Conference
architecture classifies incoming and archived messages and distributes tasks
among groups or individual conferences. Here the metaphoric identification of
conference architecture with interior design is most clearly relevant since
each conference on the network is a bit like a room in a building. Network
design and interior design both pose the same question; "Who needs to
communicate with whom about what?" Then, equipped with the answer, it
asks, "How many conference 'rooms' of what 'size' are required for the
tasks of the group?" We must make our choices carefully: while it is less
difficult to change conference architecture than the interior of a building, it
can be confusing for a group to find the structure of its message system
altered in mid-stream.
The implied
sociology of conferencing software differs widely. Most designs today are
either group-centred or topic-centred. A group-centred system promotes the
cohesion of stable groups around a common discussion, the topic of which may
evolve and change with time. Topic-centred systems, on the other hand, organise
shifting groups of participants around the topics under discussion,
occasionally forcing members to branch off to new conferences to discuss new
issues. These different software structures reflect contrasting views about how
best to file or classify on-line texts: in terms of a group process from which
the text emanates and to which it contributes, or by subject which, presumably,
will determine interest in the text whatever its source.
The
Electronic Information Exchange System (EIES;) and Participate; represent two
extreme cases, with other systems such as CONFER; and VaxNotes; offering a
compromise based on item/reply branching. These latter systems are interesting
for what they reveal about the problem of social network design. Each text
designated by the author as an 'item' can become the starting point for a
sequence of 'replies' addressed to the topic it raises. In practice, this means
that after reading each new item, the user is prompted to choose to respond to
it or to introduce a new topic.
This
software feature can be used for two very different communicative functions,
which I call 'contextualising' and 'classifying'. In the first case, each new
item serves as a context for the replies it engenders. The most appropriate
replies are brief texts quickly offering recognition or asking questions. As
soon as users pass on to new items they cease to reply to old ones, even if the
subject discussed in the old item is broached again. This application of the
item/reply structure resembles a group-centred system. In the second case,
where the item/reply structure is used to classify subjects of discussion, each
participant uses the structure to maintain a logical organisation by topic, as
in a branching, topic-centred system.
Technically,
the two applications are identical, but socially they are very different. The
correct choice in terms of group competences and needs may make the difference
between success and failure. The social network designer should therefore
select a configuration that fits the conversational style of the group. A large
group of specialists collaborating on many complex projects might find
branching essential to managing large masses of information. On the other hand,
a group which values the process of discussion in itself might prefer a
group-centred format for its activities.
The
Moderator
Like other
small groups, computer conferences are most successful when skillfully led. The
technical conditions for this are usually defined in the conference program as
a 'moderating function', ie setting up groups of participants as 'conference
members', establishing and naming a file in the central computer in which to
store discussions, and occasional deletion of irrelevant messages from the
file.
These
technical powers represent, however, only a small part of the moderating
groupware, which Hiltz and Turoff (1981, pp 23-24) describe as follows:
In order
for a computerized conference to be successful the moderator has to work very
hard at both the 'social host' and the 'meeting chairperson' roles. As social
host she/he has to issue warm invitations to people; send encouraging private
messages to people complimenting them or at least commenting on their entries,
or suggesting what they may be uniquely qualified to contribute. As meeting
chairperson, she/he must prepare an enticing-sounding initial agenda;
frequently summarize or clarify what has been going on; try to express the
emerging consensus or call for a formal vote; sense and announce when it is
time to move on to a new topic. Without this kind of active moderator role, a
conference is not apt to get off the ground.
The
moderator's role can also be considered as a literary equivalent of the
'intermediary' described by Luce Giard and Michel de Certeau (1983, p 11) in
their discussion of neighbourhood life. But this is an intermediary active in
new electronic 'localities'. In these new spaces there is a need for someone to
serve as a "translator who decodes and recodes fragments of knowledge,
links them together, transforms them by generalisation, handles each
conjuncture of events by comparison with a previous experience and puts
together in their own way, by an everyday practice, a logic of the general and
the practical, of action and of time."
It is
strange to contemplate communication without a tacit dimension. Strong
leadership must compensate for the missing cues. What I call 'contextualising'
and 'monitoring' functions are explicit substitutes for the tacit signals that
guide talk in everyday settings. These two functions complement each other. In
contextualising, the moderator establishes a general arena of topicality,
speaking in the name of the group. Monitoring offers verification of the
accuracy of each participant's judgements about the nature of the communication
context so defined.
The
moderator's most basic task is to choose at the outset a 'communication model'
for the group. Human relationships (the 'pragmatics' of communication) differ
for example, in meetings, courses, informal conversations, parties, doctor's
visits, and so on. As soon as we enter a room, we orient ourselves according to
the tacit cues of the conversation we are about to join. These contextual cues
establish a mood from which flow norms, roles and expectations. In the absence
of visible cues, on-line moderators must make an explicit choice for the group
they lead, reducing the strangeness of the medium by selecting a familiar
system of roles and rules derived from everyday life.
Contextualising
has the unusual semiological property of proceeding largely through the use of
'performative utterances'. These are statements which bring about the very
reality they describe. An example would be the Principal's statement to the
assembled scholars to the effect that "School is now open for the new
term." Such an utterance effectively 'opens' the school and so is called
'performative'. Performatives appear frequently in the contextualisation
processes of ordinary speech (Austin, 1962; Turner, 1970).
In most
face-to-face interaction, performatives play a secondary role because so much
tacit information is available to define the communication model. In computer
conferences, on the other hand, performatives are usually the principle or only
means of defining the communication model. Unless someone opens the conference
by saying "This is a meeting", "This is a class" or
"This is a support group" the participants have no way of being sure
what kinds of contributions are relevant.
The
moderator's contextualising functions relieve some of the anxiety participants
experience in an electronic setting. Once a communication model has been
chosen, the moderator must play the leadership role implied in that model, such
as chairperson, host, teacher, facilitator, entertainer, and so on. This role
will involve monitoring conformity with the communication model by reassuring
participants that their contributions to the discussion really fit that model.
Meta-Communication
and the Art of Weaving
Moderators
also play an important role in initiating and sustaining meta-communication, ie
communication about communication. Meta-communication is particularly valuable
for strengthening a weak communication link by calling attention to problems in
the process of discussion. Although, we occasionally engage in explicit
meta-communication, as for example, when we ask our interlocutor to speak up or
to come to the point, cues we give with our bodies and tone of voice are so
effective that we can usually carry on complex conversations without employing
much meta-talk. Not only can we get along without uttering our meta-messages,
it is often embarrassing or disruptive to do so.
But in
computer conferencing the only tacit sign we can transmit is our silence, a message
that is both brutal and ambiguous. The solution to this dilemma is explicit
meta-communication. Whenever communication problems arise, participants must
overcome their inhibitions and demand further explanation of unclear remarks,
call attention to information overload, request clarification of emotional tone
and intent, suggest changes in the rules of the conference, and so on.
Meta-comments
concerning the content of the discussion are called 'weaving' comments. These
summarise the state of the discussion, identifying its unifying themes and
points of disagreement. These comments reveal an important benefit of textual
mediation for social interaction. Writing a weaving comment involves a relation
to discourse which is characteristically literary and encourages a command of
the written world 'from above'.
Many
conferences lack weaving because no one has the time or the talent to perform
the function for the group. This is unfortunate since, as a written medium,
conferencing offers a unique opportunity to reflect upon the agenda of the
group. The conference moderator or another participant can review printouts,
harkening back to earlier discussions, clarifying confused expressions,
identifying the themes, making connections, 'indexing' the material mentally.
Such
weaving comments supply a unifying overview, interpreting the discussion by
drawing its various strands together in a momentary synthesis that can serve as
a starting point for the next round of debate. Weaving comments allow on-line
groups to achieve a sense of accomplishment and direction. They supply the
group with a code for framing its history and establish a common boundary
between past, present and future.
Figure 2.2
provides a summary list of the moderating; functions discussed above (Feenberg,
1986; Kerr, 1986).
_____________________________________________________________________
CONTEXTUALISING
FUNCTIONS
Opening
Discussion: Carefully designed opening comments should announce the theme of
discussion, and identify any shared experiences or symbols which can clarify
content and purpose
Setting
Norms: A familiar communication model should be selected to establish tacit
expectations about conference behaviour, and to suggest rules of behaviour
Setting
Agenda: The moderator controls the order and flow of discussion topics, and
generally shares part or all of the agenda with participants at the outset
______________________________________________________________________
MONITORING
FUNCTIONS
Recognition:
The moderator refers explicitly to the participants to assure them that their
contribution is valued and welcome, or to correct any misapprehensions about
the context of discussion
Prompting:
To solicit comments from participants, either publicly or through private mail
messages; might be formalised as 'assignments' in some conferences
______________________________________________________________________
META
FUNCTIONS
Meta-commenting:
To remedy problems in context, norms or agenda, clarity, irrelevance, and
information overload
Weaving: To
summarise the state of the discussion and to find unifying threads in
participants' comments; it encourages these participants and implicitly prompts
them to pursue their ideas
______________________________________________________________________
Figure 2.2
- Moderating Functions
Recognising,
prompting, weaving and meta-commenting are listed as moderating functions, but
that is not because there is only room for one person to perform them. Rather
it is to ensure that there be at least one person who accepts responsibility
for keeping the group alive. Discussions are most absorbing and successful when
the members of the group share these functions with the moderator.
THE
FUTURE OF COMPUTER CONFERENCING
Integrated
CMC
Computer
conferencing is an example of what Gilbert Simondon (1958) calls progress
through 'concretisation'. Technological advance often proceeds by the
integration of apparently separate, externally related functions in a new and
more 'concrete' whole. Conferencing can be considered as a concretisation of
mail and filing technologies.
The mail
system relies on orderly filing of received messages. Only a message that has
been filed can be re-accessed later, not only by the recipient but also by his
associates locally. While the means of transmission have advanced rapidly over
the last century from the pony express to packet switching, filing technology
has remained stable, requiring the recipient to open the letter and insert it
into an appropriate folder. Even electronic mail; systems force individual
senders and recipients to be responsible for the local disposition of messages.
With
computer conferencing the central computer serves as a remote filing cabinet
where all participants can see and respond to the latest additions to the
discussion. No longer is it necessary for a local recipient to dispose of the
message; instead, the sender can place it directly in a virtual locus which is
shared by all participants. Computer conferencing 'concretises' the previously
separate functions of transmission and archiving. The social structure of mail
as a basically one-to-one means of transmission is scrapped and replaced by
remote group interaction.
But this
technological advance exacts a price: creating a purely electronic or 'virtual'
meeting space results in a loss of context. Contextualisation is the weak link
in computer conferences, far more so than in familiar communications systems.
The absence of tacit cues and coded objects strands participants in a
contextual void that may leave them literally speechless. The uncertainty of a
poorly contextualised communication leads to defensive withdrawal.
Decontextualisation
is an essential effect of writing as a medium. Familiar uses of writing, such
as record keeping and literature, are based on the advantages of the abstract
written word. Never before, however, has writing been used as the primary
support of small group activity. When writing is adapted to this purpose, it
becomes clear that it is not self-sufficient but needs to be supplemented by
other means of expression.
CMC writing
may be compared to vocalised communication in a face-to-face encounter: both
media carry the semantic content of the exchange. But the sound of voices alone
is insufficient for effective communication, and, as we have seen, gestures and
facial expressions are needed to provide additional cues. The bandwidth of
writing is even narrower than that of voice. CMC thus suffers comparable
limitations when it is confined strictly to the exchange of written text.
Given these
limitations of CMC, the contextualisation of computer conferences must be
carefully planned. Only a few elements are available as substitutes for all
that is lost in the narrow band of electronic communication. The most effective
contextualising brings the group together for a face-to-face discussion. At
such a meeting, participants learn about network design, initiating friendly
exchanges and practicing their technical skills. Meanwhile, the trainer
develops personal contacts which will be helpful later, when offering
reassurance and advice on line. The face-to-face meeting can also synchronise
the commencement of the on-line exercise through a ritualised initiation to the
conference. Where it is impossible to hold such a meeting, the mail and telephone
calls may substitute for it.
The fact
that contextualisation in CMC often requires a face-to-face meeting is an
admission of defeat. Computer conferencing still depends on face-to-face
contact. Clearly, with the present technology, conferencing is not fully
autonomous, but is only a fragment of a more developed CMC medium to come. In
the future, programs will generate a rich and varied environment where
electronic group activity will be significantly enhanced. The new CMC medium
will take advantage of the computer's capabilities by integrating media such as
hypertext, videotex, film, and audio recording.
This
perspective on CMC's future finds support in the history of other technologies.
The cinema as we know it is the product of the seamless merging of photographic
and recording technologies. The automobile fuses a half dozen distinct
technologies. Something similar is happening today with CMC. But it requires
imagination as well as technical experience to see into CMC's future.
The
Client/Server Model
Conferencing
systems still rely on a traditional timesharing model of networking in which
users access an intelligent host with a dumb terminal. These designs persist
even today, when more and more users have abandoned dumb terminals for
microcomputers capable of taking the first step in the direction of integrated
CMC.
This step
introduces the 'client/server' model of networking in which small computers,
are linked to large ones. In such a distributed system, many problems of social
network design will be palliated by creating a richer, more complex, yet
manageable, environment.
In future
conferencing systems, a transparent client/server model will replace the
current, clumsy process of connecting and disconnecting two separate computers.
These systems will offer a common interface so that users will hardly be aware
of whether they are working on the terminal or the host. They will be offered
sophisticated communications and word processing software which will make it
easy to sign on and download, by automating all or part of the relevant
commands. These facilities can be complemented with an efficient script
language in which to write 'macro' commands combining sequences in the host
system command language. Network designers can even download programs and
directories periodically to groups of users at remote locations, re-tailoring
their communications software as the conferencing schedule advances.
In the
client/server model, the user's own terminal can become a source of
contextualising information that would otherwise be lacking or which would have
to be supplied at a costly face-to-face meeting. If all conference participants
are supplied with program disks or videodisks containing such things as a
database, an image bank or an educational program, then they share not only
common access to an on-line conference, but also information delivered in a
sophisticated form which can provide a richer background for their discussions.
Similarly, if the conference archive is indexed and reconstructed using
hypertext programs, then the group's own past becomes readily available to it
as a context for its future. The early experiments with these systems are most
likely to occur in the field of distance learning, which has been at the
leading edge in CMC ever since the introduction of this technology. [4] [5]
Conferencing
already offers the possibility of accelerated exchange between teacher and
student. In the electronic classroom, students can interact and watch each
other interact with the teacher. The next step may see computer-assisted
instructional diskettes or videodisks designed to be accessed from within a computer
conferencing program. The teacher could assign work on portions of the disks
and carry on discussions with the students on-line, responding to their
questions and providing motivation. Here many of the advantages of CAI could be
combined with the traditional benifits of classroom teaching.
CONCLUSION
The
elements described in this chapter constitute an ensemble of practices for
successful computer conferencing. Let us recall some of the principles on which
these practices are based:
- Computer
conferencing is a technology which, for the first time, allows small groups to
form and communicate through inexpensive and technically simple electronic
mediation.
- Many
types of conferencing environments exist, depending on the sociology of the
interacting group. For example, conferences may be based on a subject (of
teaching or research), on a project (management, negotiation), or on the
communication needs of the group itself (information exchange, mutual support),
and so on.
- In
the written world of textual mediation, many of the ordinary conventions and
rituals of small group communications are lost. Their reconstruction involves
passing from 'natural' communication to an 'artificial', consciously designed
pragmatic.
- This
new type of communication must be organised and sustained by designers and
moderators.
Finally, we
must remember that CMC is a technology in process. Designers and users should
involve themselves in the invention of the systems they require rather than
passively accepting what they are offered as a final product.
*) Capitolo 2 di Mindweave: communication, computers and distance education (Mason R.D. and Kaye A.R. eds.), Pergamon Press, Oxford, UK. Prelevato dall’ICDL database della British Open University.